If Trump exemplifies the use of scapegoats by the far right for the destruction of the country by the pursuit of privilege, then Hilary Clinton exemplifies the use of scapegoats by what passes for the left for the selling out of principle on much the same grounds, a habit with many similar examples in more radical spheres. Anonymously published introduction on the now-defunct John Gray website, this is written as an introduction to La Guerre Sociale's 'The Question of the State', discussing the history of the article and its relation to the Faurisson affair where some French ultra-left groups including La Guerre Sociale supported Robert Faurisson's negationism holocaust revisionism. A slightly modified chapter 3 of the book From Crisis to Communization , published in by Editions Entremonde. This book is about a revolution i.
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Quotes [ edit ] Communism knows no monster. Should abuse occur, the perpetrator would not be ostracized by his fellow human beings. They would not reject the social violator in order to reassure themselves of their humanity by comparing themselves to a non-human human, to a monster. They would be able to recognize what they have in common with him, and to realize that they could have done what he did.
And this, we believe, is a much better way of reducing abuse to its lowest possible minimum than any search for normality. Our critique of capitalism is precisely that value production turns everything, whether meat or poetry, into commodity, and that it's no use asking for more love poems and less hamburgers.
Nature awareness, ecological worries and reactions to animal abuse are not signs of mankind at last getting conscious of its impact on the rest of the planet, but of the necessity for capital to think globally, and to take all past and present into account, from Maya temples to whales and genes. Everything it dominates has to be controlled and classified in order to be managed.
What is marketable must be protected. Capital owns the world and no owner can afford to be too careless about his possessions. It's no coincidence that an acute sensibility to the condition of animals comes up at the same time as industrialised food and concentration camp style farming. Animal exploitation duplicates this process. External links [ edit ]. Namespaces Page Discussion. Views Read Edit View history. In other languages Svenska Edit links.
Quotes [ edit ] Communism knows no monster. Should abuse occur, the perpetrator would not be ostracized by his fellow human beings. They would not reject the social violator in order to reassure themselves of their humanity by comparing themselves to a non-human human, to a monster. They would be able to recognize what they have in common with him, and to realize that they could have done what he did. And this, we believe, is a much better way of reducing abuse to its lowest possible minimum than any search for normality.
Human, all too human?
Many of the themes I touched on in my last post are covered here as well, but couched in less philosophical language. I have taken the liberty of editing it lightly, Americanizing the spelling and fixing some minor grammar mistakes. While I might take issue with a couple of its claims, for the most part I agree entirely. Political debate often tends to quickly polarize into simple binaries. This is perhaps even more so online. Mainstream politics has its liberals versus conservatives and left versus right. Radical politics has its Marxists versus anarchists and reform versus revolution.
An essay from the first pamphlet, and the whole of the second article, were reprinted by Unpopular Books in London as What is Communism and What is Situationism respectively, in The first pamphlet was reprinted with a new foreword in by Antagonism London. These articles develop Bordiga's critique of Second International productivism in light of Marx's writings on formal and real subsumption and the global uprisings of , and theory of communization by drawing on council communist and Situationist traditions. This sought to develop the new communist program suggested in Le Mouvement Communiste through a critical appraisal of post radical politics, including Situationist and autonomist experiments.